In the last segment, we looked at who can afford to compete in local elections — and why money and early access narrow the field long before most voters are paying attention.

But money alone doesn’t explain why power in Cecil County feels so stable, even when voters are frustrated or elections change hands.

To understand that, we have to look at institutions — and how they quietly multiply political power.

What We Mean by Institutions

Institutions are organizations that employ large numbers of people, depend on taxpayer funding or public decisions, and control careers, contracts, benefits, or licenses.

In Cecil County, this includes the public school system, the Sheriff’s Office, the court system, county administration, and large employers tied to zoning, development, or county contracts.

The Pressure Isn’t Loud — It’s Structural

Across multiple institutions, people describe the same unspoken rule: Do your job. Don’t make waves.

Employees understand that speaking out can stall careers, advancement depends on staying aligned, and questioning leadership can bring consequences.

Schools: Influence Without Campaign Signs

Cecil County Public Schools is one of the county’s largest employers.

Teachers and staff have described political messaging moving through informal channels, union communications reinforcing preferred outcomes, and leadership maintaining distance while expectations were clearly understood.

In at least one documented case, a resident was not allowed to speak publicly until legal counsel intervened — after which access was suddenly granted.

Sheriff’s Office: Chain of Command as Control

Deputies have described a culture where loyalty is expected, dissent quietly limits advancement, and speaking out can cost assignments, benefits, or careers.

Public court records show cases where charges were aggressively pursued and later dropped just before trial, after significant pressure was applied.

Courts and Administrative Power

Courts and county administration control timing, procedure, and access.

Delays and procedural barriers can exhaust challengers, raise legal costs, and discourage future complaints.

How Institutions Multiply Power

When institutions align, money determines who can run, primaries determine who wins, and institutions determine who feels safe speaking.

No conspiracy is required. The structure does the work.

Why This Matters to Taxpayers

Taxpayers fund these institutions and depend on them.

When transparency is discouraged, accountability weakens and the same power networks repeat.

What Voters Can Do

Change starts before Election Day by paying attention to primaries, funding sources, endorsements, and institutional behavior.

What Comes Next

Next: zoning decisions, enterprise zones, grants, and incentives — and who really benefits.

The post Segment 4 – When Public Institutions Multiply Power appeared first on Cecil County News.

In the last segment, we explained why primaries — not general elections — often decide outcomes in Cecil County.

That raises an obvious next question:

Who can afford to compete in those primaries in the first place?

The answer helps explain why the same names, interests, and outcomes keep repeating — regardless of party labels.

Running for office isn’t free — even locally. Competitive campaigns require early money, time away from work, and organization long before most voters are paying attention.

Early money matters more than total money. Candidates who raise funds early can build visibility, discourage challengers, and shape the race before it truly begins.

Public campaign finance records show that most funding does not come from everyday residents, but from business owners, developers, utilities, professional firms, and political committees.

One local example is the Cecil Business Leaders for Better Government (CBL) PAC, which publicly reports receiving money from business and development interests and spending it to support preferred candidates.

Party labels don’t tell the whole story. In a county dominated by one party in general elections, candidates often adapt affiliations to remain viable, and donors support people rather than party platforms.

For many residents, the barriers to running are real — financial risk, workplace pressure, and fear of retaliation keep good people from ever entering the race.

This is not necessarily about corruption. It’s about structure — and structure shapes outcomes.

Next up: how institutions multiply this advantage

The post Segment 3A Who Can Afford to Compete? appeared first on Cecil County News.

Why So Many Elections Feel Decided Before November

Many voters in Cecil County believe the most important election is the general election in November. In practice, that is often not the case. For years, the real contest for power has occurred much earlier — during primary elections.

Cecil County has a long-standing Republican registration advantage. As a result, candidates who win the Republican primary frequently go on to win the general election, regardless of turnout or opposition later in the year.

A Real Example: The 2024 Republican Primary

The May 14, 2024 Republican primary offers a clear example of how power is often decided before November.

In the County Executive race, Republican Adam Streight defeated incumbent Danielle Hornberger in the primary, securing the party’s nomination. Given Cecil County’s consistent Republican advantage in general elections, the outcome of this primary effectively determined the general election result months in advance.

In Council District 5, the Republican primary was also closely contested, with Dawn Branch winning by a narrow margin. That intra-party contest — not the general election — was where voters had the greatest opportunity to influence who would represent them.

These races illustrate how, in Cecil County, the most consequential electoral decisions often happen during the primary, when turnout is lower and fewer voters are paying attention.

Closed Primaries and the Illusion of Choice

Maryland operates under a closed primary system, meaning only voters registered with a political party may vote in that party’s primary.

In a county where one party holds a strong registration advantage, closed primaries concentrate decision-making power into a smaller group of voters months before the general election.

Why This Matters to You

When leadership is effectively chosen during primaries, many voters unknowingly miss the most important part of the process. This helps explain why people feel disconnected or frustrated after general elections — the outcome was often already decided.

What Comes Next

If primaries decide who governs, the next question is simple: who can afford to compete there? In the next segment, we’ll examine how early campaign funding shapes local races — and why grassroots candidates often find themselves behind before the first vote is cast.

Editor’s Note

This reporting is based on public election results and documented election structures. No allegation of criminal wrongdoing is made.

The post Segment #3 — Elections, Primaries, and Why the Real Fight Happens Early appeared first on Cecil County News.

Segment #2 – How Influence Worked in Cecil County Politics

Cecil County News – Investigative Desk

This article is part of the ongoing investigative series, “Cecil County Under the Microscope,” which examines governance, political influence, and institutional accountability in Cecil County.

From Structure to Action

In the first segment of this series, we examined the origins of Cecil Business Leaders (CBL), where its funding came from, how it gained access to decision-makers, and how it helped shape public support for centralized county governance.

This segment focuses on how influence worked in practice, based on observable patterns in public records, elections, and governance structures—not on allegations of criminal wrongdoing.

Shared Messaging and Countywide Reach

Across multiple election cycles, similar themes appeared repeatedly in campaign materials, public statements, and policy arguments aligned with CBL priorities.

These messages emphasized efficiency, economic growth, and running county government like a business.

Because these themes were carried through business marketing, public-facing communications, and political messaging, they reached voters across every district, not just during election season but continuously.

Why This Matters to You

Repeated messages influence how people think about what is possible and what is normal. When the same ideas appear over and over—from ads, meetings, and official statements—they can start to feel like common sense rather than persuasion. For taxpayers, this can shape support for policies long before votes are cast, often without clear discussion of who benefits most.

At-Large Voting and the Dilution of District Representation

Although Cecil County is divided into districts for representation, council members are elected at-large.

This means voters across the entire county cast ballots for all district seats, rather than districts selecting their own representatives.

In practice, at-large voting dilutes district-specific preferences and amplifies the impact of countywide influence.

Why This Matters to You

If you live in a specific district, at-large voting means your community does not truly choose its own representative. Even when most people in your area oppose a decision, countywide voting can override that local preference. Over time, this can make voters feel disconnected and unheard, even though the system—not apathy—is driving the outcome.

Business Influence and Public Resources

Businesses operate in every district and maintain daily contact with residents through marketing, services, and employment.

When businesses aligned with or influenced by CBL receive public benefits such as grants, favorable zoning decisions, or enterprise-zone designations, those advantages extend beyond economics.

These benefits can translate into sustained visibility and influence over public opinion, often supported by taxpayer-funded programs.

Why This Matters to You

Public grants, tax incentives, and zoning decisions are funded by taxpayers. When the same businesses benefiting from these policies also have the loudest voice in public messaging, ordinary residents can be crowded out of the conversation. This can affect how tax dollars are spent and who has consistent access to decision-makers.

What This Means for Taxpayers and Voters

Understanding how influence works helps explain why the same outcomes repeat over time.

These systems do not rely on any single election, candidate, or decision. They persist because they are structural.

Why This Matters to You

As a voter, understanding these dynamics gives you more power, not less. In a county where primary elections often decide outcomes, participation in primaries matters. Paying attention to how public money is used, who benefits from policies, and how decisions are made can help break cycles that feel inevitable. Change starts with understanding how the system actually works.

Editor’s Note

This reporting is based on public records, governance structures, and documented political activity. No allegation of criminal wrongdoing is made.

The post Segment #2 – How Influence Worked in Cecil County Politics appeared first on Cecil County News.

Cecil County News – Investigative Desk

This article is part of the ongoing investigative series, “Cecil County Under the Microscope,” which examines governance, political influence, and institutional accountability in Cecil County.

I. Why Cecil Business Leaders Matters

Before examining allegations of misconduct or ethical failure, it is necessary to understand how political influence was structured in Cecil County.

Cecil Business Leaders (CBL) emerged not merely as a civic association, but as an organized political force whose access, messaging, and resources positioned it to shape outcomes long before controversies arose.

II. Formation and Public Mission

CBL formed during a period of economic transition in Cecil County, publicly presenting itself as a pro-growth, pro-business organization.

Its stated mission emphasized efficiency, competitiveness, and modernization of county governance.

Public records and archived materials show that CBL sought legitimacy by framing its activities as civic engagement rather than partisan coordination.

III. Organizational Structure and Political Reality

While CBL was not itself an elected body, its leadership and supporters frequently overlapped with candidates, donors, and appointed officials.

This overlap created informal but persistent channels of influence that extended beyond traditional advocacy.

Such structures are not inherently unlawful, but they warrant scrutiny when transparency and accountability mechanisms are weak.

IV. Funding Streams and Financial Influence

CBL benefited from concentrated financial support drawn from aligned business interests.

Campaign finance disclosures and public filings indicate that this funding enabled sustained political engagement across multiple election cycles.

The significance of this funding lies not in illegality, but in the scale and consistency of access it facilitated.

IV-B. Charter Government and the Case for Concentrated Power

One of the most consequential structural changes in Cecil County governance was the adoption of charter government.

Charter government was publicly framed as a means of increasing efficiency, professionalism, and accountability by consolidating executive authority.

CBL played a visible role in fostering public support for this transition, advocating for centralized governance as a pro-business reform aligned with economic growth.

This advocacy helped shape the narrative presented to voters, emphasizing modernization while downplaying the risks inherent in concentrated power.

Centralized authority simplifies access for organized interests, reduces the number of decision-makers, and increases the impact of sustained political engagement.

Many residents supported charter government in good faith, believing it would improve governance. However, the long-term effect of such structural concentration is to magnify influence when safeguards fail.

V. Access to Power and Institutional Familiarity

CBL-aligned individuals consistently demonstrated access to county leadership, boards, and commissions.

This access was not limited to election cycles, but persisted through appointments and policy discussions.

The resulting institutional familiarity created an environment where certain voices were repeatedly heard, while others struggled to gain entry.

VI. Early Warning Signs

Even during CBL’s rise, some community members raised concerns about transparency and disproportionate influence.

These warnings did not allege criminal behavior, but questioned whether democratic balance was being eroded.

Such concerns were often dismissed at the time as resistance to change.

VII. Why This Foundation Matters

Understanding CBL’s origins, funding, and access is essential to evaluating later controversies examined in this series.

Power structures precede outcomes. Without examining how influence was built, later events cannot be fairly assessed.

The next segment will examine how this influence translated into coordinated political operations.

Editor’s Note

This reporting relies on public records, archived materials, and documented patterns of conduct.

No finding of criminal wrongdoing is asserted. Individuals and organizations referenced are invited to respond, and clarifications will be published.

The post Segment #1 — The Rise of Cecil Business Leaders (CBL): Origins, Funding, and Access appeared first on Cecil County News.

An Ongoing Investigative Series Examining Governance, Ethics, and Power in Cecil County

By Cecil County News Investigative Desk

This article inaugurates a new investigative series by Cecil County News examining a pattern of political conduct, institutional entanglements, and governance decisions that, taken together, raise serious ethical and potential criminal questions about how power has been exercised in Cecil County over the past two decades.

The reporting that follows is based on public records, court filings, election data, archived correspondence, and firsthand testimony. No allegation herein is presented as a finding of guilt. Rather, this series applies a journalistic standard: whether the documented facts, when viewed collectively, suggest reasonable grounds for public concern, further investigation, or official review.

At the center of this reporting is the Cecil Business Leaders organization (CBL), a political advocacy group that publicly described itself as pro-growth and pro-business. Former members, public officials, and community observers allege that CBL’s influence extended far beyond policy advocacy into coordinated election activity, control of public messaging, and retaliation against political dissent.

This series will proceed chronologically and thematically. Early segments will address the formation and rise of CBL, followed by its influence within county government, the public school system, and local media ecosystems. Later installments will examine judicial, redistricting, and procurement-related controversies, including claims of conflicts of interest and institutional self-protection.

Importantly, Cecil County News does not assert criminal culpability. However, where actions plausibly intersect with election law, public ethics statutes, or constitutional protections, those intersections will be clearly identified and analyzed.

Residents of Cecil County deserve transparency. They deserve to understand how decisions affecting taxes, schools, zoning, and elections were made, by whom, and under what incentives. This investigative series exists to present those facts in a structured, documented, and accessible manner.

Future weekly installments will focus on specific actors, documented events, and institutional mechanisms. Each article will stand on its own, while contributing to a broader evidentiary narrative. Readers are encouraged to review source documents as they are released alongside this reporting.

Editor’s Note: Individuals named in this series are referenced in relation to documented public actions, records, or statements. Responses and clarifications will be published when received.

The post Cecil County Under the Microscope appeared first on Cecil County News.

The Cecil County Board of Education likes to pretend that they are a nonpolitical, impartial entity that only seeks to fulfill its mission of caring for all the children.  Simply attending a school board meeting is enough to reveal this to be an artful fiction.  This became apparent to me when I attended last Thursday’s meeting at the Rising Sun High School. 

I came to speak in support of Renee Dixon, the sole conservative on the board.  For those unaware, she ran afoul of the woke lunatics by posting something critical of “Pride Month” on social media.  For this sin, she received her fellow board members’ censure in the form of a press release condemning her post.  Rumor has it they also staged an emergency intervention to encourage her resignation from the board replete with lawyers and representatives from both the Democratic Party and Cecil Solidarity, a radical organization hellbent on implementing Cultural Marxism in the county.  Her post and the hysterics that followed resulted in a larger than normal turnout at the monthly meeting with a total of forty-six speakers coming to weigh-in on the situation, the majority of whom came to support Dixon.

Before the public comment section of the meeting took place, a brief exchange ensued between Dixon and some of the other board members on a budgetary issue.  While virtually drowned out by the invented controversy over Dixon’s exercise of her First Amendment rights, the exchange is revelatory in that it reveals outright that, despite their claims to the contrary, the board has a political agenda.  Before the CCPS budget was approved, Dixon asked the board chair, Diane Hawley, why a certain sum promised by the county council did not appear in the final draft of the budget.  Her question was dismissed as if she was an Alzheimer’s patient escaped from the nursing home.  Hawley acted incredulous: No such sum existed.  In response, Dixon stated that, according to her understanding, such a sum had been promised upon the condition that the BOE publicly acknowledge the county council’s provision of the funds.  Hawley purposely refused to address Dixon’s point that the board had refused the money for political reasons and moved the meeting along.

Given that the rest of the board seeks to have her removed on grounds that she is a right-wing partisan incapable of representing all the students, Dixon’s question masterfully revealed to those in attendance that her accusers are ethically bankrupt.  These are the same people who, just a month ago, were at fevered pitch crying that the children would suffer if County Executive Danielle Hornberger did not increase the CCPS budget beyond “maintenance of effort,” the minimum allocation required by the state.  Then when they were offered funds in a way which did not comport with their broader political agenda, they rejected the funds and publicly pretended they were never offered.  The children are just another bargaining chip in a political game for these quislings.  Behind their fake smiles lie dispositions of the most knavish and conniving sort. 

The post Attack on Dixon Conceals CCPS Budgetary Shenanigans appeared first on Cecil County News.

It is disheartening to note that despite spending nearly $17,000 per student in the Cecil County Public School System, we are witnessing a decline in academic performance. This expenditure level places Cecil County above the national average in terms of per-student spending. However, it raises concerns about the correlation between funding and educational outcomes.

While adequate funding is undoubtedly important for providing quality education, it is equally crucial to examine how these funds are being utilized within the school system. We must conduct a thorough review of resource allocation to ensure that every dollar is being used effectively to benefit student learning.

Although administrative roles are essential, it is necessary to strike a balance between administrative costs and classroom resources. This requires a thorough analysis of the administrative structure, evaluating the necessity and cost-effectiveness of various positions, and making adjustments as needed. By prioritizing the allocation of funds towards classroom resources, we can create an environment that supports student success and enhances overall academic performance. Currently, the Superintendent of Cecil County Public Schools earns over $250,000 per year. An exorbitant figure with many other administrative staff not far behind.

As we explore ways to improve academic performance, we should prioritize the allocation of funds towards programs and initiatives that directly impact the quality of education in the classroom. This includes investing in professional development for teachers, updating instructional materials, and integrating technology into the learning process. By focusing on these areas, we can create an environment conducive to student success and academic excellence. Unfortunately, due to bloated administrative salaries, these investments are almost impossible.

Additionally, it is essential to foster a culture of accountability within the school system. Regular assessments and evaluations of educational programs, along with transparent reporting of academic outcomes, can help identify areas of improvement and ensure that resources are allocated to initiatives that yield the highest impact on student achievement. Holding the School Board accountable for the effective use of funds is key to reversing the decline in academic performance. The County Executive has more than adequately funded the school system, it is now the Superintendent and Board of Education that need to deploy those funds. If their interest is only in serving the students, there is no doubt they will be successful.

Engaging parents, teachers, administrators, and community members in the decision-making process regarding resource allocation can provide valuable insights and perspectives. By holding our school board members accountable, we can be confident that our hard-earned tax dollars are supporting the programs that lead to a world-class education system.

Sincerely, Concerned Parent of Cecil County

The post Schools need to be more efficient! appeared first on Cecil County News.

                On Wednesday, April 6^th  2022, the case involving an Elkton woman being arrested at a Cecil County School Board meeting was heard in court. Brooke Somers, a mother of school aged children, was arrested in early February and charged with six misdemeanors: disturbing school operations, school trespassing, disorderly conduct, failure to obey a lawful order, resisting arrest, and trespassing on private property. All initial charges stood at the time of the trial.

The incident leading to Brooke Somers arrest originated from her attempt to attend and participate in a School Board meeting while not wearing a mask. The full body-cam footage of Officer Anthony Devine, the arresting officer, has been viewed by Cecil County News. The video shows the events leading to what the court determined today was mostly inappropriate police conduct, when the judge decided to drop four of the six charges.

The footage shows that on February 9^th, 2022, Brooke Somers attempted to gain access to a School Board meeting. Before she could enter the room where the meeting was being held, she was stopped by an individual on behalf of the school board, who informed her that she could not enter the meeting because she was not wearing a mask. She presented a note from her doctor stating that for Brooke, wearing a mask presents a medical difficulty, as prolonged restricted breathing triggers a series of adverse reactions.

During his interaction with Brooke Somers, the administration official was accompanied by Officer Devine. The body camera footage shows Somers presenting the note from her doctor to the official, who decided that without an ID he could not let her in. While she was retrieving her ID from her car, Officer Devine is heard telling the administration official that he did not believe the note was sufficient to warrant an exception. However, Officer Devine in his testimony stated that he did not read the mask mandate he was attempting to enforce. His input was unsolicited, and outside the scope of his authority. Devine was there to enforce the law, not to counsel the School Board on how he felt their mask policy should be applied.

Once Somers presented her ID to the administration official, he again reviewed the letter. He told Somers that she would not be allowed to enter the meeting without a mask. When Somers asked if he felt she would be a public health risk if she were to attend the meeting unmasked, the official responded, “No.”

The interaction was tense, but not hostile. The administration official clearly didn’t have clear guidance on how to handle medical exceptions to the mask requirement, and Somers clearly wanted to attend the meeting in person to participate, while not wearing a mask. The administration official also stated in his testimony that he did not read the mask mandate. not wearing a mask.

Her willingness to stay and observe the meeting from the lobby, as well as her demeanor in the interaction to the administration official runs counter to what Devine later put in his report that stated:

“It became evident that she had come to the meeting with the intent of making a demonstration out of not wearing a mask and was therefore advised she could not enter the meeting,”

Had her intention been to make some type of demonstration in the meeting, she would not have stayed after being denied access to the meeting. Without the video this speculation on the part of the officer would not have been shown to be clearly unfounded.

Despite there being a mask requirement for the entire building, individuals were allowed to watch a livestream of the meeting in the lobby about a dozen feet away from the main doors. While this option allowed Somers and the others to view the meeting, it meant they could not participate in the meeting or address the board as every parent should be able to do. It is worth noting that not only were the chairs in the lobby grouped closer together than the main meeting, but the number in attendance of the main meeting was so sparse that social distancing guidelines could have been observed without the need for masks.

The footage continues without audio and the meeting appears to be continuing without disruption. Then, without prompting from anyone in the meeting, Devine goes out into the lobby, turns the audio on his body cam footage on and tells the three individuals in the lobby to stop talking. Somers, at a conversational level, says “No” and Devine responds with, “Get out!”

This portion of the footage further illuminates another aspect of Devine’s report, where it states:

“She was then instructed to leave the property as it was evident her intent was to disrupt the meeting and cause a disturbance.”

After reviewing the footage this statement does not seem to adequately represent the facts. Furthermore, this is the second time Devine states her actions are ‘evident’ of something that appear to anything but evident of what Devine is claiming, calling into question his judgement in the situation.

Somers refuses to move from her chair and informs the officer that she does not intend to leave. Devine then proceeds to place Somers under arrest. In the course of the arrest Devine yanks Somers from her seat, and throws her on the ground. While she is on the ground she tells Devine that he is hurting her, and Devine responds with “Good. You are resisting.”

Two other officers are called in to remove Somers, and Devine remains behind at the building. Once Somers is removed, one witness who was in the lobby tells Devine that he was “in awe” of how he responded. The witness told Devine that he was pro-cop, but “could not believe” Devine’s behavior.

The body camera footage provides greater context to parts of the statement released by Cecil County Public Schools after the event, which states in part:

“The officer on duty asked the individuals in the lobby to lower their volume as it was disruptive to the meeting. Upon one individual’s refusal to do so, the officer asked her to leave the building, which she refused, leading to her arrest.”

Once arrested, Somers is placed in a holding cell at the Elkton police station where she waits until approximately 11:30 PM, when she is then transported to the District Courthouse for a bond hearing. Devine escorts Somers inside, once the locked entry door is opened for them by an overnight employee. When they enter, Devine authoritatively redirects a handcuffed Somers to walk through the metal detector, which obviously sounds on account of the handcuffs that Devine put on her.

Devine, Somers, and the overnight courthouse employee are the only ones in the lobby. Before going to see the commissioner Devine tells Somers that a mask is required in the courthouse building too. Somers looks at the courthouse employee, who is also not wearing a mask, and asks whether Devine will make the courthouse employee put on a mask as well. He tells Somers that either she can put on the mask, or Devine will put it on for her. She declines, again citing her medical reservation, and Devine forces the mask over her face.

After the mask is on, Somers lowers it below her mouth and nose, which prompts Devine to physically engage Somers. This interaction, once again, results in Somers being thrown to the ground, where she remains for quite some time. It is on the ground where she meets Commissioner after being summoned by Devine. The commissioner then literally and figuratively talks down to Somers and tells her that she can either put on the mask or spend the night in Cecil County Detention Center. When faced with the threat of imprisonment, Somers dons the mask.

It is unfortunate for Somers, the town, and the police department that the situation evolved the way it did. Law enforcement has an important responsibility, and allowing emotional responses to triumph over rational ones can lead to devastating outcomes. When the authority placed in our law enforcement is vested in the wrong individual, it is not uncommon for that power to be abused. Cecil County News deals only in facts, so it is not our place to make determinations. It is up to the reader, having been presented with the facts, to decide whether or not Officer Devine’s actions are an example of such an abuse. What we can say, is that today the court decided that the charges against Brooke Somers were largely without merit, and four of the six charges have been dropped. The two remaining charges; Disorderly Conduct, and Failure to Obey a Lawful Order, will be heard in jury trial.

She was acquitted of: school disruption, school trespassing/reusing to leave the building, resisting arrest, and trespassing on private property.

Video Link: https://youtu.be/GFx3CEuwQxw

The post Devine Injustice appeared first on Cecil County News.

                At the February 8^th Council Work Session, the County Council considered eight potential amendments to the County Charter that, if advanced, would be put to the voters as a referendum at the next general election. As required in the Cecil County Charter, any amendment must be approved by voters at the ballot box before becoming law. In the history of charter government in Cecil County, only four amendments have ever been put to a referendum, making the eight amendments offered at Tuesday’s work session an unusual occurrence.

                While the proposed amendments impacted different elements of the Charter, the majority of the amendments centered around one thing, increasing the County Council’s power. One amendment would have given the Council power to unilaterally reshape the County’s budget, another would have given the Council outsized influence on the Ethics Commission, and yet another would have created a position requiring county taxpayers to pay for a full-time Council attorney.

                Of the eight proposed amendments, four were moved forward, three were narrowly defeated, and one is being changed to be reintroduced at a later date. The four amendments that have been approved will ask voters to weigh in on changes regarding the processes for capital purchases, redistricting, and reducing ambiguity in the charter surrounding vacancies. The one tabled amendment concerned the composition of the Ethics Commission and will be voted on at a later date in order to clarify the wording of the amendment. Lastly, of the three that were defeated two were attempting give the Council a permanent attorney paid for by the County, and the other would have allowed the County Council to redistribute funds in the County budget at the Council’s sole discretion.

                The unusually high number of amendments calls into question the timing of their introduction. The amendments would need to be ratified by a referendum, so it is not unusual that they would be introduced in an election year. But what is unusual are the circumstances of the Council’s composition going into the upcoming election. Three of the five current Council members are beholden to the Cecil Business Leaders PAC, which is an entity created to funnel money toward political candidates that will act in accordance with the wishes of the monied interests that put them there, and not what is always in the best interest of Cecil County. The three CBL members on the County Council are Bob Meffley, Bill Coutz, and Al Miller. Coutz and Miller are both up for election this year, making this potentially the last chance the CBL has to concentrate power in the County Council. This concentration is further necessitated, in the eyes of the CBL, since they no longer control the County Executive now that Alan McCarthy was voted out. If Miller and Coutz are unseated by actual conservatives, the CBL PAC will have been displaced from the Executive and Legislative branches of our local government. In 2020 they were unable to win elections, so now they are trying to change the rules.

                These amendments are thrown under an additional shadow, when it came to light in the working session that the County Attorney was provided with the proposed amendments only hours before the meeting, leaving no time for review. This prevented the County Attorney from being able to provide specific feedback on the amendments at the time of the meeting, which is when the amendments were going to be voted on for advancement.

The amendments did meet resistance from Councilwoman Gregory and Councilwoman Culberson who understood the ramifications of the amendments and argued against fundamental change that would alter the balance of power in our government. Perhaps the most contentious part of the work session came during the discussion surrounding the amendment that would give the Council the ability to reallocate the County’s budget after it was submitted by the County Executive. As it currently stands, the County Council has the ability to remove items from the budget, but does not have the ability to add items. The proposed amendment would have given the Council the power to reallocate money from one part of the budget to the other unilaterally. In other words, if the County budget was $100 and gave $10 to 10 different departments, the County Council could move all $100 to a single department, without review and without approval from the County Executive, leaving nine departments with no funding.

                It was appropriately noted during the discussion of this amendment, that the reason for Cecil County’s desire to form a Charter government was, in part, to remove the budget making powers from the County Commissioners. The Commissioners, who were essentially equivalent to the current Council, were often unable to find agreement on the specific allocations of the county budget. The solution as part of our transition to a charter government, was to vest the budget making power in a single authority, with the Council acting as a check on that authority by being able to remove any item. This amendment would have undone that entire change by allowing the Council to put money anywhere they wanted, so long as it was offset from another part of the budget. The Council would have been able to rewrite the entire budget, so long as the bottom-line number remained unchanged.

                This amendment was ultimately voted down 3-2 with Councilman Meffley and Coutz voting in the minority. However, unsatisfied with the results, Councilman Coutz brought up the amendment that had already been voted down later in the meeting and Councilman Meffley tried to change the results by calling for another vote. The measure was met with the same outcome.

                The constant grab for power has been the hallmark of the County Council over the past two years, with the lead being taken by Councilmen Meffley, Coutz, and Miller. So long as the Cecil Business Leaders PAC has puppets in places of power in the County, we will continue to see actions taken that serve the interest of the connected and powerful, and not the County. The recent push to change the Charter comes on the back of the

Councilman Miller is currently facing a challenger from Republican Central Committeeman Bob Gatchel. Voters seeking to make a change in the direction of the Council, and thereby the County will need to vote in the Primary Election, which will take place on June 28, 2022.

The post Cecil County Charter Amendments appeared first on Cecil County News.